E. Howard Hunt and his Strained Relationship with the FBI

                                                        What the JFK Files Say

                     (documents mentioned in the article can be found here)

     In late 2017, after the initial declassification of the JFK files by the National Archives, our history department sent out a FOIA request directed at the CIA for any documents related to four of the more suspicious characters associated with the JFK Assassination: David Phillips, Dave Morales, William Harvey, and E. Howard Hunt. After almost a year, we received a large packet containing over 400 pages from the agency. Much of it was mundane employment information, but some of it proved significant in terms of how the CIA regarded each of those individuals. The first three were generally held in high esteem by their employers. But in the case of Hunt, it appears to be a much more mixed legacy.

        After the “successful” overthrow of Allende in Chile in 1973, a fitness report a year later described Phillips in glowing terms, suggesting he provided “excellent input into the improvement into operational matters” and handled his contacts with “great effectiveness.” If possible, Morales was held in even higher regard. A 1961 description of his job performance suggested he was the “finest all-around ops officer I have ever known” by his reviewer and “truly exceptional.” Another document described him simply as a “one-man gang.” Although he would ultimately get himself in hot water for his propensity to go rogue and his bitter criticism of Kennedy’s Cuba policy, there was still a level of respect Harvey earned that was apparent in his fitness reports which described him as someone willing to be involved in “highly sensitive” and “extremely political” operations, as well as having a group of officers loyal to him referred to as “Harvey men.”

     In contrast, Hunt was to receive black marks based on his behavior and activities. A 1961 CIA memorandum pointed out that he had leaked sensitive information to Uruguayan officials, and questioned his sources of income considering the fact he had purchased a $70,000 home in D.C. Further, the document suggests the “Subject has been a problem in the past and apparently continues to be a problem.”

     In the fall of 1964, Hunt was apparently engaged in illegal domestic surveillance of presidential candidate Barry Goldwater. This author is uncertain as to who directed Hunt to conduct this operation, but one can speculate it wouldn’t be above his political opponent, LBJ, to order such a move. In all probability, this controversial operation led to Hunt being sent into an exile of sorts to an assignment overseas in Madrid. After reviewing Hunt’s personnel file in 1978, the House Select Investigator noted that Hunt attributed an ulcer he developed to “Agency failure to assign me to an appropriate post abroad…”

     Beginning in 1965, Hunt operated inside and outside the agency, sometimes doing contract work, before his permanent retirement in 1970. In 1968, Hunt was reprimanded for leaving a safe full of sensitive documents open, which is somewhat ironic considering four years later Hunt’s team of burglars were caught in the Democratic headquarters while attempting to break into another safe.

     Hunt‘s novel writing sometimes got him in trouble with the CIA, since his works were oftentimes thinly veiled depictions of agency methods and sensitivities. At one point, when he was brought in over this matter, Hunt inquired of his interrogators as to whether he was to be audiotaped, demonstrating a level of distrust on his part toward the agency.

    Upon his retirement in 1970, Hunt received a standard letter from DCI Dick Helms wishing him “good luck and best wishes.” In contrast, upon Harvey’s retirement a few years later, Helms would send a much more appreciative and gracious letter thanking him for his loyalty, no doubt because Harvey promised confidentiality in an exit meeting.

    After Hunt’s Watergate escapades and eventual arrest, the CIA found itself scrambling to limit the significance of their involvement with him. The CIA’s Chief Counsel Lawrence Houston recounted in a 1973 document that his last contact with Hunt was at an airport in May of 1971, when they briefly discussed his retirement annuity. In that same document, it mentions the mysterious Ed Lansdale hadn’t had any contact with the aforementioned since the 1950s.

    Two important things can be gathered from the declassified documents regarding Hunt. First, it is clear he had a life-long problem with money. He apparently often lived beyond his means and was constantly looking for ways to generate more income. That may, in turn, have led him to engage in more dangerous operations. Second, the various incidents and responses by the CIA listed above indicate Hunt did, indeed, have a strained relationship with the agency. It is not hard to understand why, years later towards the end of his life, Hunt did not hesitate to finger CIA officers Cord Meyer, William Harvey, David Phillips, and Dave Morales with participating in the JFK assassination.

Coup d'états in America

            Coup d’états in America:  

          What the JFK Files Tell Us

        Professor David Denton

 with editing by Michelle Swanson, Ed Tatro and Gabrielle Lyell

(documents mentioned in this article can be found here)

 

In the year 2021, 58 years after the assassination of JFK, the relevancy of this event to today’s issues should be considered. Some may prefer to conclude that it's simply time to move on, either accepting the institutional explanations of the event or going with the idea that “we will probably never know what happened.” Others, especially those in major media outlets, try to make the connection between 11/22/63 and many of the fringe conspiracies of today, whether it be about the 2020 election, the coronavirus or a Qanon fantasy.

 It is true that large numbers of Americans have embraced the idea that JFK’s death involved more than a lone assassin, just as they have latched on to the various conspiracy theories of today. The suggestion by some is that these beliefs are examples of how millions can be easily duped into believing in a falsehood. As a result, the search for the truth of the JFK assassination is regarded as a forerunner to today’s paranoia. It is dangerous to suggest that all conspiracy theories became popular among those people who “wanted to believe'' a particular narrative that simply is not true. This is a sweeping generalization that discounts the reality that all conspiracy theories are not alike. The critical difference between the murder of JFK and many fringe ideas circulating today is that in the case of the former there is a preponderance of facts that prove conspiracy. 

            It becomes particularly tiresome, in the case of the JFK assassination, that serious researchers essentially must argue the same facts over and over again to the nation’s institutions, yet they receive little reaction from them. Among those many facts are the reality that the single bullet theory remains as impossible as ever, despite decades of efforts by Warren Commission defenders to make it seem plausible. There is no denying the fact that a large multitude of witnesses at Dealey Plaza, including twenty police officers on hand the day of the assassination, believed shots came from the front. When millions of Americans saw the Zapruder film and the clear indications on it of a frontal shot for the first time on Geraldo Rivera’s national TV show in 1976, it convinced a large segment of them that they had not been told the truth about JFK’s murder. Despite these facts, the media and academic institutions still cling to the idea that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. The single bullet theory, regardless of its huge flaws, continues to be essential to any lone nut scenario. Any close inspection of it, however, reveals the impossibility that one bullet could have caused seven wounds in President Kennedy and John Connally and still be found in near perfect condition afterwards. The Zapruder film, even though it may well have been tampered with as many researchers suspect, clearly indicates that Kennedy and Connally were not hit by the same bullet, and in the intervening years, Connally and his wife, who was also seated in the front seat, have confirmed this multiple times.

            In truth, the Kennedy assassination may no longer be the mystery many might think it to be. The evidence that someone else besides Oswald committed the crime is irrefutable. Future historians, unencumbered by agendas or concerns about being labeled “conspiracy theorists,” will clearly identify the certainty that powerful forces were involved in the murder of JFK. As a society, we hear so much about disinformation and “fake news” and we have seen a resulting erosion of trust in our institutions because of it. Due to the failure by those same institutions to come to any ultimate truth enabling a pursuit of justice regarding JFK’s assassination, a clear line can be drawn between 11/22/63 and today’s public distrust of what they are told. 

            Former CIA chief and leftover cold warrior R. James Woolsey released a book earlier this year entitled Operation Dragon: Inside the Kremlin’s Secret War on America that focuses blame for the assassination on Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and the Russians. This is a complete falsehood circulated by some in the CIA immediately after the event and has no rational basis.

 After the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy and Khrushchev were clearly looking for a way out of the Cold War and away from the brink of nuclear destruction. When Kennedy delivered his famous American University “We Are All Mortal” speech in June of 1963 on peace, the Kremlin allowed, for the first time, a U.S. president’s speech to be printed in the Soviet press, verbatim and unredacted. Despite stiff resistance by hardliners in both countries, Kennedy and Khrushchev managed to secure the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in September 1963, signaling that both were rational partners in the quest to work toward peace. Assuming Khrushchev was serious about finding a way out of the Cold War, why would he risk an assassination attempt against an American president that could potentially lead to World War III? 

A recently declassified document strongly indicates what the Soviets believed happened in Dallas, based on their own intelligence and their attitude toward Kennedy’s murder. This document, dated April 1967, originated from a Soviet source referred to as “Shamrock,” and indicated that by 1967, based on their own intelligence gathered by the KGB, the Russians believed that “monopolists” (the military-industrial complex) murdered Kennedy. Other documents revealed, early on, that they believed the ultra-right wing and LBJ were also involved. Possibly more significant is the apparent sadness they felt over the death of Kennedy. They mourned his death and viewed it as a “great loss” for the whole world. According to Shamrock, the Soviets “felt they could trust President Kennedy and could deal with him on a cooperative basis.” It is apparent that his death meant that any opportunity to gain accommodations from the United States that could help rein in the Cold War was lost.

 

The CIA and the New Documents: Harvey, Hunt, Morales

This author has written extensively about William Harvey and the new documents. Harvey’s personnel files generally reveal an admiration for Harvey by his superiors in the CIA, although it also indicates his propensity to go rogue. The declassified files on E. Howard Hunt, however, suggest a more mixed opinion. A 1961 document indicated he received some “black marks” over security issues, including leaking classified information while in Uruguay. It stated that Hunt "has been a problem in the past [and] apparently continues to be a problem.” Furthermore, the document suggested that the “subject should be given at least a strong warning concerning indiscreet remarks and unauthorized disclosure of information.” He also was given a reprimand in 1969 for leaving a safe open (intentionally?) at a CIA station. 

After being involved with surveillance of presidential candidate Barry Goldwater prior to the 1964 election, he found himself in trouble once again, eventually being downgraded to contract status and finding himself shipped overseas and stationed at the CIA base in Madrid. Hunt fancied himself a writer, and penned several novels that were oftentimes merely thinly veiled re-creations of past events and scenarios associated with the CIA. For this, Hunt was called in on more than one occasion by the agency over concerns about his using too much sensitive information in his literary works. Once, when the CIA requested a meeting with Hunt, he inquired if the conversation was going to be taped or not, indicating his level of distrust toward the agency. In the early 1970s, when Hunt was among those caught in the Watergate break-in, there were efforts to determine whom Hunt was connected to within the CIA. This led some to suggest they barely knew Hunt or hadn’t had any dealings with him for several years. In his 2007 “confession,” Hunt suggested Harvey and Dave Morales were among those involved in the “Big Event” (JFK’s murder) and that he (Hunt) refused to be anything more than a “benchwarmer” because of his reluctance to be actively involved with an “alcoholic psycho” like Harvey.

            Unlike Hunt, the declassified files of Morales indicate he had a stellar reputation inside the CIA, especially regarding black ops. A 1961 document described Morales as a “one-man gang” and his work was “of the highest order quantitatively and qualitatively.” It further described his versatility while operating out of the JMWAVE station, excelling in the areas of “counterintelligence, sabotage, political action, propaganda, and a great number of miscellaneous activities that defy classification.”  One can only speculate what the “miscellaneous activities'' were. It should be noted that toward the end of Morales’s life he confided in friends that “we took care of that son of a bitch,” referring to JFK. Harvey had an eye-opening interview with the HSCA in 1976, when he suggested that to ensure success in an assassination attempt, one should “simply appoint a single senior officer to do everything to run the operation, kill the person, bury the body, and tell no one.”  Is it possible that Morales, the “one-man gang,” was the “senior officer” Harvey was referring to? 

   “Doomed to Failure by Design” 

JFK researchers have long speculated that the Bay of Pigs operation by the CIA was set up to fail in order to maneuver JFK into a full-fledged invasion of Communist Cuba, and there are good reasons to believe that. Allen Dulles, then head of the CIA, was a featured speaker at a sunny resort in Puerto Rico on April 17th, 1961, far removed from having any control over an invasion by 1,400 CIA trained, anti-Castro exiles into Cuba. Upon returning to the United States and being informed the invasion was teetering on the edge of disaster, Dulles appeared unconcerned. After the failure of the operation, Robert Armory Jr, the CIA’s highly respected Chief of Analysis, was stunned that Dulles did not utilize him in the operation, and instead used what he called “a strange bunch of people with no knowledge of Spanish… and absolutely no sense or feel about the political sensitivities of these Cuban exiles….I think we could have had an A team, instead of being a C-minus team.” In The Devil’s Chessboard, author David Talbot concludes the operation was “meant to fail” and the “wily CIA chief set a trap for Kennedy, allowing the President to believe that his ‘immaculate invasion’” could succeed, even though Dulles knew that only U.S. soldiers and planes could ensure that.”

Of course, we know Kennedy did not fall for this trap and refused to send the United States military to Cuba. One of the declassified documents recently released gives further confirmation that this, in fact, might be the truth about the Bay of Pigs operation. The document, dated 5/9/61, discusses information given to the CIA station in Miami from New York Journal reporter Dan Brigham. He had apparently spoken “to many Cuban exiles and personal sources” engaged in the Cuban invasion. Brigham concluded that the invasion was “badly handled from every aspect by the CIA”, and more importantly reported that “a segment of the Cuban exiles is of the opinion that the recent Cuban invasion was doomed to failure by design on the part of CIA and are holding the CIA responsible.”                                            

                                                 More on Dulles 

     After the Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy took public responsibility for its failure, but would ultimately fire Dulles, Richard Bissell, and Charles Cabell from the CIA over the debacle. It did not mean, however, that Allen Dulles would not be a power player behind the scenes before and after the assassination. In fact, Dulles visited LBJ at his Texas ranch in September 1963. Why? After the assassination, Dulles appeared to be deeply involved in protecting the Agency’s interest, in terms of reinforcing the idea that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. Former president Harry Truman wrote an op-ed article in the Washington Post, exactly one month after the death of JFK, charging that the CIA had grown out of control since he established it. Truman stated, “I have never had any thought that when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations.”

It was not difficult for some to believe that because of the timing of the piece Truman was implying that the CIA may have been, in some way, behind Kennedy’s death. It is clear that Truman’s article attracted the Agency’s attention, and it would be Dulles’ duty to do damage control, even though by then he was no longer officially affiliated with them. He sent a strongly worded letter to Truman imploring him to back away from his position. When that failed, he personally visited the former president to, once again, try to convince him to recant his statements about the CIA. After it became apparent that Truman was not budging, Dulles made a point of writing a letter to CIA counsel Lawrence Houston suggesting that during their meeting the ex-president was not aware of what was in the article and that it was all wrong. In essence, he was suggesting that Truman, almost 80, was suffering from senility. This was complete disinformation. Truman continued to reiterate clearly and publicly his position that the CIA was an out-of- control organization long after his meeting with Dulles.

            A newly declassified document reveals even further the extent to which Dulles, no longer a member of the Agency, was heavily engaged in a cover-up operation for the CIA. This secret document, dated 4/30/64, was sent by Deputy Director of Plans Richard Helms to then private citizen Allen Dulles. The document was meant to alert Dulles to the fact that a book was being published by Thomas Buchanan about who allegedly was responsible for the death of President Kennedy. The book, Who Killed Kennedy, argued that Kennedy’s assassination was a result of a right-wing plot. Buchanan was known to have previous connections with the Communist party, and his work would be dismissed or ignored by those in the media because of this. He, like other early authors about the JFK assassination such as Joachim Joesten and Mark Lane, would be subjected to leaks, attacks, and smears from both the CIA and the FBI. But what is most significant here is the fact that Richard Helms, one of the top individuals in the CIA, was alerting Dulles directly to the impending release of this book, and then took steps to make sure the communication was classified as secret. This strongly indicates, along with his attempts to strong arm Truman, that Dulles was managing their efforts to muzzle any suggestions of a conspiracy in Dallas, even though he was no longer running the Agency. One additional and intriguing statement in this document is included at the bottom, stating “Dissemination applicable to GPFLOOR Cables.” GPFLOOR was the CIA acronym for Lee Harvey Oswald. Apparently, the CIA felt it was important enough to segregate this document along with other cables associated with Oswald. 

 

Cuban Exile Extremists and their Various Connections

Among the declassified files there are documents associated with two Cuban exiles the CIA dealt with, both of whom are examples of the extremism and interconnectivity with various groups of that community. 

Fernando Penabaz (Coburn) was an intriguing character with connections to myriad individuals and organizations of a suspicious nature associated with the death of JFK. He initially gave up his U.S. citizenship to become a Cuban lawyer before returning to the United States in 1960. He was of “ops interest to JMWAVE (CIA) psych warfare section” until 1963, when supposedly he was dropped because of involvement in U.S. politics. He was an advisor to the Republican National Committee on Cuban affairs and was “good friends” with Richard Nixon, but there was also a darker, more extreme side to Penabaz. He was a member of the right-wing Christian Anti-Communist crusade and had connections with the John Birch Society. He was also associated with General Edwin Walker, the right-wing fanatic drummed out of the military by JFK for his extreme behavior. Walker is a suspicious character himself regarding the alleged shot Lee Harvey Oswald took at him before the assassination. Many researchers believe this reported incident was staged to give further evidence that Oswald was a Communist fanatic. Walker’s own version of events regarding this incident changed more than once and Penabaz helped circulate his version of the story. Penabaz was also one of several Cuban exiles who, post-assassination, attempted to spread stories suggesting the murder of JFK was a Communist plot originating with the Cubans and/or Russians. 

            The declassified materials released in 2017 also contain documents on a more notorious Cuban exile, Louis Posada Carriles, who had a long running relationship with the CIA and was given the cryptonym WKSCARLET-3. One of the aforementioned documents listed FIVE aliases he used. Posada had many occupations throughout his life, including tire salesman, auto body mechanic, and exterminator. He was an expert in arms and explosives and trained Cuban exiles in preparation for the Bay of Pigs invasion, though he didn’t take part in the actual invasion. In 1963-4, he spent time in the United States Army and was stationed at Fort Benning, Georgia, where he achieved a rank of Second Lieutenant. 

            Despite his varied occupations, the one thing that remained consistent throughout his life was his utter contempt for Fidel Castro and his desire to have him removed and/or eliminated. Peter Kornbluh, head of the independent National Security Archives Cuba project which has fought to have documents relating to Posada declassified, suggested that “The CIA created and unleashed a Frankenstein.”

            Early on, at least, the CIA apparently had a wholly different view of Posada. In one declassified document he is described as “not a typical kind of ‘boom and bang’ individual. He is acutely aware of the international indications or ill-planned or overly enthusiastic activities against Cuba.” If, in fact, the CIA saw Posada as a moderating influence among the Cuban exiles, one can only wonder what the radical elements of the community they were using were like. 

One of the recently released documents from 1973 indicated the CIA scrambled to separate themselves from Posada after they suspected he was involved in trafficking cocaine from Columbia. It stated, “Given above contact with known violators there is little doubt that Posada is a trafficker.” By 1975, the CIA had apparently severed their relationship with Posada, but that didn’t stop him from operating across Latin America, conducting bombing and terror campaigns against Castro’s Cuba all the way into the 21st century. Although his involvement was never proven, it was long suspected that Posada participated with his associate Orlando Bosch in the notorious bombing of a Cuban airliner in 1976. The U.S. State Department concluded that he appeared to be “the person who planned the sabotage.” Adding to his notoriety, Posada was apparently connected to mobster Frank “Lefty” Rosenthal. Posada died in 2018 at the age of 90 and is still regarded as a hero by many in the Cuban exile community. Whatever their reasons, the CIA is still withholding information on Posada. 

            One thing is for certain, Penabaz and Posada typified those among the Cuban exile community with their numerous connections to the CIA, the military, right-wing groups, and the mob, as well as their radicalization and extremism. Although there is no evidence that either participated in the JFK assassination, they were the type of individuals inside the CIA-backed Cuban exile community that could have been utilized for that purpose. 

 

Antonio Veciana

No one in the Cuban exile community has evoked more discussion and debate among JFK researchers than Antonio Veciana. Many of them regard Alpha 66, the exile group Veciana headed, as a potential player in the JFK assassination. There is no question they were a deadly serious outfit totally committed to the removal, or elimination, of Castro. At one point, they concocted a plot (which never got off the ground) to blast Castro and some Russian Cosmonauts with a bazooka. A House Select Committee investigator named Gaeton Fonzi would track Veciana down in the 1970s. He told Fonzi a story that, if true, could have blown the JFK case wide open. Veciana suggested that in September of 1963, he met briefly with a CIA officer he knew as “Maurice Bishop” and one Lee Harvey Oswald. Going on the premise that “Bishop” was an alias, Fonzi had a police sketch made up based upon Veciana’s description. It looked strikingly like the CIA’s David Atlee Phillips, who happened to be the agency’s head of the Western Hemisphere division. But when Fonzi brought Veciana face-to-face with a very nervous Phillips, the former refused to identify Phillips as Bishop. Fonzi always believed that Veciana was concealing the truth, and that Bishop was, in fact, Phillips. Like some previously mentioned Agency members, Phillips hinted at the end of his life the possibility of a conspiracy in the JFK assassination.

            Six years before his death, at a 2014 conference in Washington D.C, Veciana admitted for the first time that Bishop was, in fact, Phillips. This certainly got the attention of a lot of JFK assassination researchers, and also created a lot of controversy. Why did Veciana change his story? Was it to help sell his soon to be published book? Was he telling the truth this time? Author Dr. John Newman, after doing some serious research on the Cuban exile, believed not. He found discrepancies in Veciana’s story, in particular the timeline of when Veciana first claimed he met Phillips in Cuba didn’t work. Ultimately, he came to believe Veciana fabricated the story about meeting Oswald and Phillips to lead investigators away from the potential involvement of military intelligence in the assassination of JFK. Newman also questioned whether there ever really was a “Maurice Bishop” in the CIA. 

Also, significant here is the question as to whether Veciana and his Alpha 66 group had closer ties to the military or the CIA. In fact, the newly declassified documents lend credence to the idea that Veciana and Alpha 66 did have closer ties to the military. A document dated 12/3/62, sent from the CIA to the FBI, suggested the “Army has also used Antonio Veciana, head of Alpha 66, as a source of information since early October 1962.” Another document from 1962 suggested that even though the CIA was in contact with Veciana, his group was “taking precautions to avoid CIA penetration.” It may be, however, a stretch to suggest that Veciana was not involved with the CIA. In the same document there is a suggestion that Veciana was not above accepting some financial help from them, “but under no circumstances would the Agency be identified with its (Alpha 66) activities.” In another document dated 7/3/63, J. Edgar Hoover sent a warning to the Department of the Army, instead of the CIA, that one of Alpha 66’s top individuals, Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo, was targeted by mafia head Santos Trafficante for assassination. These indications that Veciana and Alpha 66 were tied into the military and were keeping the CIA at arm's length fit into the narrative that Veciana was trying to cover up his military connections and deflect blame for Dallas on the CIA.

            But there’s another side to the story. Author and researcher Lisa Pease told this author that one of her contacts inside the CIA named Jim Rose, AKA Carl McNabb, suggested that whatever Veciana said was “as good as gold.” Rose was, in fact, in the middle of Cuban affairs for the CIA and at one-point infiltrated Castro’s inner circle. During a conference earlier this year, author Dick Russell, having interviewed Veciana, stated that he believed Veciana’s story. Whether or not Veciana ever actually met Oswald together with Bishop, the evidence seems strong that Phillips was, in fact Bishop, because multiple CIA sources have indicated as such.

There’s also little doubt that Phillips remains a suspicious character in the JFK assassination story. He lied to Congress regarding surveillance tapes in Mexico City being routinely destroyed. Taped conversations of Hoover and LBJ shortly after the assassination proved they still existed. In addition, it was Phillip’s “assets” in Mexico City who tried to push an Oswald/Castro connection after the assassination. The fact that Veciana and his fanatical Alpha 66 group had close ties to military intelligence does raise questions about a military connection to 11/22/63. Indeed, Dr. Newman and other researchers have come to believe in the possibility of a Seven Days in May type scenario. The most likely originating point of a plot within the military could be a small agency referred to as ACSI (Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence). Researcher Bill Kelly described it as “one of the most ubiquitous, but least known military intelligence agencies with offices in the Pentagon. “Colonel Fletcher Prouty described it as the “black intelligence arm” of the U.S. military. According to the Department of Defense’s official history, “The Technical Intelligence Field Agency, ACSI, was a small, special-purpose military unit created in 1960 to coordinate the intelligence activities of the Army technical services.”

One of the most eye-opening documents among those recently released came from this particular agency. The document, dated 1/21/63 and sent to the Chief of Staff of the Army, included “ideas “of what to do with the Castro regime. The second proposal, with an asterisk by it for emphasis, suggests that they “remove Castro and/or other key political leaders by assassination, kidnapping, bribery or by placing a bounty on them.” The most striking thing about this proposal is the sheer audacity of it. It is common knowledge that the CIA engaged in assassination plots against foreign leaders, but it is difficult to find any clear directives of them on paper. Only slightly less extreme “idea” is included further down in the document when it suggests initiating “biological warfare against plant and animal tissue,” but not humans. Also significant is the fact the document mentions utilizing Alpha 66, indicating a relationship between ACSI and the Cuban exile group. In summary, the document paints a picture of a radical, extremist operation within the US military.

                ACSI and Potential Connections to Lee Harvey Oswald

One of the most important documents to surface from recent releases was associated with ACSI member Dorothe Matlack. It was a request for approval to employ her as a liaison to the CIA. One thing that catches one’s attention right away about the document is the date of it, 1/28/58. As mentioned earlier, ACSI’s official history suggests it was not created until 1960. Why the discrepancy? Is there an innocent explanation or was the agency “dark” for its first two years of existence?

This secrecy may be explained by the document’s stated responsibilities for Matlack, including to “track defectors.” Obviously, this fits the time frame when Oswald was considered a defector to the Soviet Union. And there is more to ACSI’s potential tracking of Oswald. On April 26, 1963, in Washington D.C., ACSI member Colonel Sam Kail met with George de Mohrenschildt and Haitian businessman Clemard Charles. de Mohrenschildt was promoting Charles as a potential replacement for then-President of Haiti, “Papa Doc” Francois DuValier. There is good reason to believe that de Mohrenschildt was Oswald’s CIA handler in Dallas. Since he had just left his “friend” Lee behind, one can only wonder what information was being passed along. Researcher Bill Simpich would recount another meeting that could be best described as a debriefing of de Mohrenschildt by ACSI’s Dorothe Matlack and Tony Czajkowski of the CIA’s Domestic Contact Division:

On May 7, 1963, Matlack and Czajkowski had the opportunity to meet with George de Mohrenschildt, his wife Jeanne, and Charles. Charles was unexpectedly called away by a “Mr. Green,” thanks to some machinations by Czajkowski. The debriefing specialists Matlack and Czajkowski now had the de Mohrenschildts all to themselves--which provided them an opportunity to finish any small talk about George’s time in Texas and their time with a certain family of Soviet defectors.

There are other indications of continual interplay between the CIA and ACSI. Colonel Kail, stationed as a military attaché at the Cuban Embassy in Havana from 1958 to 1961, worked alongside the CIA’s Dave Morales, Wayne Smith, and David Atlee Phillips. A recently declassified document shows that Kail was “on a covert detail to the Agency (CIA) from 1962-66.” Kail himself admitted he was having a difficult time knowing whether he was working for the U.S. Army or the CIA.

The Higgins Memo

Something that has attracted a lot of interest from researchers is a memo that originated from Colonel Walt Higgins, and its source was ACSI. It characterizes discussions at a JCS meeting on September 25, 1963, run by General Curtis LeMay (LeMay was in charge because JCS head Maxwell Taylor was in Vietnam at the time.) The meeting's official memorandum suggests it was held to discuss “military support of the CIA for operations against Cuba.”  Desmond Fitzgerald, head of Task Force W, the Cuban covert policy making body of the CIA., presented the status of operations against the Castro regime.

The key topic Fitzgerald discussed, according to the memo, was the possibility of recruiting some Cuban military personnel who might “break with Castro” to be part of a plot to kill the Cuban dictator. Higgins’ memo suggested this plot could be similar to Operation Valkyrie, the 1944 failed plot to kill Hitler that utilized members of the German Army, and in many cases, without their knowledge of the true plot. Fitzgerald suggested this plot was “being studied in detail to develop an approach.” This action against Castro, like many of the other ill-fated, CIA backed assassination attempts never came to fruition. And yet, suspiciously, this “detailed study” has never surfaced in any documents, even when requested by FOIA attorneys Jim Lesar and Dan Alcorn.

   A Military Plot Against JFK?

Some researchers have speculated that the Valkyrie Operation plan may have ultimately been turned on JFK, hence the Seven Days in May scenario mentioned previously. There is certainly plenty of evidence of radicalization inside the military. There was stubborn opposition to Kennedy’s steps to end the Cold War and his movement toward world peace, as well as, in some cases, an utter hatred and contempt for Kennedy that existed within the ranks of the U.S. military hierarchy.

In 1962, in what came to be known as Operation Northwoods, General Lyman Lemnitzer, no friend of JFK, presented a radical JCS plan to conduct a fake Cuban terror plan that could be blamed on Castro’s Communist government and create a pretext for invasion of the island. The proposals presented were summarily dismissed and ridiculed by Kennedy’s Secretary of Defense McNamara, no doubt creating a greater rift between the administration and the Joint Chiefs.


            General LeMay, a true Kennedy hater who openly challenged the President during the Cuban Missile Crisis, is at the top of the list of those who might have participated in a plot. Some researchers believe LeMay may have been among the generals present who appeared to be in control at JFK’s controversial autopsy.

Even General Maxwell Taylor, considered to be a friend of the Kennedy family, has come under scrutiny by some researchers, including Dr. Newman, who considers Taylor to be a “Trojan Horse.”

In the end, this radicalization of the top of the military hierarchy and utter contempt for Kennedy’s initiatives towards peace on their part, along with their willingness to cooperate with like-minded elements inside the CIA, certainly created the potential for a plot against the President.

 

 A Coup d’état is a Coup d'état: From 11/22/63 to 1/6/21.

A coup d’état is defined as the seizure and removal of a government and its powers. In addition, it is an illegal and unconstitutional seizure of power by a political faction, the military, or a dictator. Most serious researchers of the JFK murder who have rejected the lone assassin theory accept the fact that it was a coup. But what about the Capitol insurrection on January 6th, 2021? Are there any parallels between the two? 

In today’s polarized political environment, it may come down to party affiliation whether you regard the events of January 6th as an attempted coup d’état. There are those who see this event as nothing more than a spontaneous riot by misguided Trump followers who had no chance whatsoever of succeeding its objective of overturning the election. In the opinions of some Trump loyalists, inundated with disinformation from right-wing sources, the insurrection was orchestrated by Antifa and Black Lives Matter. Georgia Congressman Andrew Clyde (R) compared the insurrectionists to “tourists visiting the Capitol”. Trump himself, during some of his more delusional moments, has praised the rioters as “loving and patriotic” and “great people…they were ushered in by the police” and there was “hugging and kissing.” Republican Congressmen chose not to support a bipartisan commission to investigate the event, instead hoping to move on. These mischaracterizations and denials have, in fact, created a dangerous drift towards fascism in this country. 

This situation recalls a suggestion, made by New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison who was frustrated by what he saw as a cover-up in the JFK murder, that the powers that be would someday proclaim that JFK never existed. A coup d’état is a coup d’état whether it was attempted 58 years ago or only 7 months ago, even if it was destined to fail. 

This article has explored potential military connections to the JFK assassination. Can anything similar be found in the January 6th insurrection? At least regarding any involvement at the highest levels just the opposite could be said. Led by General Mark Milley, head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), the military made it clear as early as last summer they would have no role in the upcoming elections. In addition, they pushed back hard when Trump suggested he could use the military as an instrument of power to clear the streets of protesters last summer. Milley regretted his involvement in Trump's photo op at St. John’s Episcopal Church in Lafayette Square in the summer of 2020 when the Federal Park Police used teargas on citizens. He released an apology that his presence there gave a false impression that the military was involved in domestic politics. The fact that he offered a very unusual and very public apology shows how sensitive he was to the idea of involving the military in politics. It was apparent, even before the election was held, that Trump had no intention of accepting any results that went against him, and this fact would raise concerns inside the military that the president would orchestrate some attempted coup.

Within days of his defeat, Trump decapitated the civilian military leadership, highlighted by the firing of Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and replacing him with Trump loyalist Chris Miller. Why would a lame duck president bother to replace an agency head a few weeks before his own departure unless there was some ulterior motive? This certainly got the attention of the Joint Chiefs. According to the Washington Post’s Carol Leonig and Philip Rucker, authors of I Alone Can Fix It, there were multiple statements from General Milley that reflected his deep concerns about an attempted coup after the election. “They may try but they’re not going to f****** succeed. You can’t do this without the military. You can’t do this without the CIA and the FBI. We’re the guys with the guns.” The irony of the preceding statement is surely not lost on those who believe a coup occurred in Dallas. 

The JCS feared Trump’s call to action among his followers would lead to unrest, giving him a pretext to invoke the Insurrection Act. Milley viewed Trump as an “authoritarian ruler with nothing to lose.” He saw the time after the election as a “Reichstag moment”, with MAGA marchers as the modern American equivalent to Hitler’s Brownshirts in the streets. In the event it was necessary, the JCS had a failsafe plan of mass, rolling resignations if Trump attempted to follow through on the threats. 

     Security Stripping

On January 7th, 2021, the day after the Capitol insurrection, this author had a conversation with my friend Mal Hyman, Coker University professor and author of Burying the Lead: The Media and the JFK Assassination. Early on, we both agreed on the possibility of “security stripping” regarding what happened the day before at the Capitol Complex. Most of those familiar with the JFK assassination are aware of the evidence of past Secret Service failures in terms of protecting their client in Dallas. Many of these failures are recounted by Vince Palamara in his excellent work, Survivor’s Guilt: The Secret Service and the Failure to Protect President Kennedy. (10)

Clear indications of similar things regarding the January 6th insurrection are coming to light, as well. The aforementioned interim Secretary of Defense Miller would, in fact, send out a directive (shown below) two days before the riot to the D.C. National Guard that there would be no authorization for weapons, ammunition, or protection equipment such as helmets or body armor. In addition, there would be no interaction by the guard “physically with protestors”, no arrests, and no deployment of “air assets.”

According to the congressional testimony of Major General William Walker, Head of the D.C. National Guard, when the rioting ensued, he had his Guard members waiting in their trucks for three hours before orders to engage finally came through. Miller denied seventeen requests to send in the Guard. Trump, despite pleas from many in his own party, refused to use his authority to call them in. Eventually it was Vice President Pence, himself a target of the insurrectionists for certifying the results of the Electoral College vote, who gave the order to send in the Guard, long after the Capitol had been breached.                   

 Ex-Military Types at the Capitol               

There may be a clear difference between the Joint Chiefs’ position this past year and that of the same body in 1963, but that does not mean there was a complete absence of military involvement on January 6th. There was, in fact, a disproportionate number of ex-military personnel who participated in the insurrection. As of the writing of this article, there have been 61 current or ex-military persons arrested for their involvement in the insurrection. And then there was convicted (and then pardoned) felon and Trump sycophant, General Mike Flynn, who went so far as to suggest that Trump should impose “martial law” to overturn the election results. At the May 29, 2021, Qanon-organized For God and County Patriot Roundup conference in Dallas (of all places) Flynn suggested there ought to be a Myanmar-style coup in the United States. “I want to know why what happened in Myanmar can’t happen here...No reason, I mean, it should happen here.” He has since claimed his words were taken out of context by the corrupt media, but his tone and demeanor in the video clip clearly show he meant what he said. Just recently, Flynn, appearing at a political rally at the Church of Glad Tidings in Yuba City, California, boasted that maybe he’ll “find somebody in Washington” upon receiving the gift of an AR-15 assault rifle. It is not far-fetched to compare Flynn’s extremism and ties to fringe groups to a General LeMay or a General Walker in JFK’s time.

A Parallel Between 11/22/63 and 1/6/21: The Presence of the Radical Right Wing

There is no question that right-wing extremists participated in the Capitol riot earlier this year. Groups like the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, the Three Percenters, and the Boogaloo Boys were all present. In March of 2021, FBI Director Chris Wray stated during a congressional hearing that “domestic terrorism” is “metastasizing” and that white supremacy is the biggest terrorist threat in the country. Beyond the January 6th coup attempt, events in the past two years seem to back up Wray’s claim and demonstrate the Capitol attack wasn’t merely a one off.

In April of 2020, in what could be viewed as a dress rehearsal, heavily armed individuals as a part of an “American Patriot Rally” occupied Michigan’s Capitol building to protest that state’s Coronavirus lockdown. Although there was no violence like what occurred in D.C., it no doubt galvanized extremists for future actions. Seven men, some of them connected to the Boogaloo Boys and the Three Percenters, were eventually charged with plotting the kidnapping of Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer. 

Hundreds of those associated with these extremist groups are among those who have been prosecuted for participating in the January 6th insurrection, and as more continue to be arrested more will be understood about who was behind its planning and how high the connections go. Trump loyalist Roger Stone, a key planner in the Stop the Steal protest that preceded the riot, was utilizing the Oath Keepers as bodyguards, some of whom participated in the insurrection. There are also indications that this group stashed weapons on the other side of the Potomac River in Virginia and were ready to ferry them over if events turned their way. 

The group most likely involved on the ground were the Proud Boys, a far-right, nationalist organization loyal to Trump who have been known to engage in violent skirmishes with left-wing groups. Violence committed by right-wing extremist groups is nothing new in America, and there are certainly connections of this type that must be explored in the assassination of JFK. One of the clearest indications of this is the story of Joseph Milteer:

Long-time FBI informant Willie Somerset, who successfully infiltrated multiple, radical, right-wing groups, described Milteer as the “most violent-minded man in America.” Milteer traveled around the country establishing connections with the White Citizens Council, the John Birch Society, the Ku Klux Klan, and the American Nazi Party. In a conversation between Milteer and Somerset taped 13 days before the assassination, Milteer predicted that JFK would be shot from an office building with a high-powered rifle, and somebody would be picked up to throw the public off. Milteer would later brag to Somerset that he was in Dallas for the assassination, stating “I didn’t go to kill him. But I didn’t mind seeing him killed.” The FBI had hard evidence of Milteer’s potential connection to the assassination, but according to former FBI agent Don Adams, who was put in charge of investigating Milteer, they essentially swept it under the rug.

Milteer is far from the only name associated with the Kennedy assassination who had connections with right-wing elements. Guy Banister, the former FBI agent who was managing Oswald in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, was connected to many of the same right-wing groups as Milteer. According to long-time JFK researcher and author Ed Tatro, Clint Murchison, Sr., the Texas oil magnate, Johnson ally, and Kennedy hater who was arguably the most powerful man in the country, was connected to and made financial contributions to George Lincoln Rockwell, head of the American Nazi Party. 

 

What Can We Learn from These Events?

Without question, there is an inherent danger in failing to recognize the reality of a coup against whatever semblance of democracy we have left, whether it happened in 1963 or 2021. Downplaying an attempt to overturn an election simply because it was orchestrated by fringe types could prove fatal to our 245-year American experiment. Yale historian Tim Snyder was predicting as early as 2017 that President Trump would attempt a coup, if necessary, to stay in power. In September of 2020, Snyder argued that Trump had an “authoritarian instinct” and was surrounding the election in “the authoritarian language of a coup d’état…It's going to be messy.” (13) Proven correct, Snyder suggests the threat is far from over, stating “a failed coup is practice for a successful one.” 

Hitler’s 1923 Beer Hall Putsch was dismissed as a mere clown show at the time. Results of this attempt to seize power from the Weimar Republic, including radicalization of the people and an encouraged willingness to commit violence, were also present on January 6th. Let us keep in mind that Hitler only spent nine months in jail for this attempted coup. How long will the perpetrators of the Capitol insurrection spend behind bars? Snyder warned that “We’re looking almost certainly at an attempt in 2024 to take power without winning an election.” Americans should all be paying attention to this because the rest of the world certainly is. 

Can We Find Historical Truth in the Murder of JFK?

Despite the overwhelming collection of evidence that repudiates the idea of a lone assassin and points to conspiracy, gaining validation of that truth within our institutions in 2021 still proves to be difficult. Most who reside within these institutions simply have stuck their heads in the metaphorical sand or refused to engage in a discussion of any idea deemed conspiratorial or not publicly acceptable. 

JFK’s assassination severely damaged, but did not destroy, our democratic institutions. It did, however, allow the National Security State to assert its will on the American public. Since the beginning of our Republic, the American people have always had to push back against the undue influence of the wealthy and the powerful. History suggests this is the norm. Over 2,500 years ago, Athenian Greeks created the most democratic state the world has ever seen, yet they too had to deal with the constant threat of corrupt influence by the powerful and the potential takeover by demagogues. 

However, there remains reason for optimism. Despite the dominant agenda of the aforementioned National Security State, it was the relentless public outcry and protests by average Americans that led to the end of the tragedy in Vietnam and forced the man who held a great deal of responsibility for that debacle, Lyndon Johnson, to decide to step aside rather than run for office again.

This article has dedicated a lot of attention to the growing evidence that points toward potential military involvement in the JFK murder, but the whole truth about what happened on that day is probably broader than just focusing on a single entity such as the military or the CIA. Ed Tatro may have the best explanation of what happened in Dallas. He described it as “A collaboration of the most powerful people in the country” aligned against Kennedy. Gordon Ferrie, (14) who described himself as being “in the middle of the military industrial complex,” told me that when JFK was shot his initial reaction was “Which group?” because he knew there were so many enemies in powerful places who had lined up against Kennedy.

This author had a conversation with S.T. Patrick, publisher of Garrison: The Journal of History & Deep Politics, about how to explain the truth about the complexities of the JFK murder to the average person. S.T. suggested the Texas Schoolbook Depository was a good place to start and this author agreed. Who owned the building and hired Lee Harvey Oswald? The answer is D.H. Byrd. What do we know about him? Byrd, co-owner of Ling-Temco-Vought and founder of the Civil Air Patrol which Oswald joined, was a key figure in the Texas oil industry and was closely connected to Texas power brokers, oil barons, the military industrial complex, and Texas politicians. He was a close ally of Lyndon Johnson and John Connally. He was associated with the right-wing “Suite 8F” group, which included George and Herman Brown of Brown and Root and Lawrence Bell of Bell Helicopters, key players in America’s military industrial complex. It also included powerful right-wing oil men Clint Murchison, Sid Richardson and H.L. Hunt; all fierce defenders of the oil depletion allowance Kennedy sought to end. In addition, Byrd was a close friend of General Curtis LeMay. 

It is difficult to ignore that, in effect, there were only two degrees of separation between some of the most powerful right-wing forces in America, most or all of whom had contempt for Kennedy, and the man who was set up to take the fall for his death. Thirty years after his powerful and controversial film JFK was released, Oliver Stone has produced a new documentary, JFK Revisited: Through the Looking Glass. No doubt there will be critics, just as there were who dismissed his original film as fiction. Nonetheless, there is no question of the legacy of the film JFK. Because of it, legislation was passed that led to the release of thousands of classified files related to the assassination. Thanks to the release of those files, we now know much of Stone’s film was never that far from the truth. As proof of that, one could look back to the point in the film where New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison suggests that the assassination was “a coup d’état with Lyndon Johnson waiting in the wings.”                       

                  The Importance of Seeking Justice in a Free Society

Looking back on the American experiment and looking ahead to its prospects for survival, citizens should view carefully what a coup d’état means, whether successful or not. It is not just something that can occur on another continent in some unstable, third world country. We are beginning to understand it can happen anywhere. There is a phrase, often attributed to Thomas Jefferson, which is especially relevant to our country’s current state of affairs: “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.” (15) This statement, regarding America’s future, has never been more prescient. When asked what form of government had been created, Benjamin Franklin said “We have a Republic, if you can keep it.” But those who quote Franklin usually leave out the second part of his statement, which may be just as significant today: “Our responsibility is to keep it.” 

A big part of that responsibility is the maintenance of a free and open society based on the idea of justice. On November 19, 2019, Colonel Alexander Vindman, a whistleblower from inside the Trump administration, gave testimony at the President’s first impeachment hearings. When asked if he feared retribution for coming forward, Vindman, who came to the U.S. from Ukraine at age three, stated he wasn't, replying “This is America, right matters.” Right has mattered in America…sometimes. 

Unfortunately, sometimes we have also come up short in that respect. America, or any society that espouses a democratic, free society and wishes to sit on the moral high ground, must constantly be in the pursuit of justice. An honest look at our history reveals that the murder of John F Kennedy was one of the gravest injustices done in our 245-year existence, and it remains unresolved. The generations of researchers and academics who have sought the truth in this case have to face the reality that their efforts to bring some measure of justice, at least in their lifetimes, probably will not come to pass. Justice often takes lifetimes to arrive, and those who work the hardest for it sometimes never get to see it when it does.

Eleanor Roosevelt was, without a doubt, one of the most amazing and courageous figures of the 20th century. As the First Lady, she was one of the first true advocates, at least among those in positions of power, for civil rights for African Americans in a time when racism was rampant. When the Daughters of the American Revolution refused to allow opera singer Marian Anderson an opportunity to perform because she was black, Roosevelt set up a concert for her on the Lincoln Memorial in 1939 that was attended by 75,000 people. Without her intervention, the legendary Tuskegee Airman would never have been given an opportunity to fight in World War II. She risked her life to fly into the Pacific theater, during the war to visit with the combat troops and the wounded. Seeing the grimness of what they were going through and the level of their sacrifice, Roosevelt became a key advocate for the GI Bill, one of the greatest pieces of legislation in American history because it helped create the strongest middle class the world has ever seen. 

Possibly her most controversial stand was against the removal of Japanese American citizens from the West Coast of the U.S. after the attack on Pearl Harbor. The entire country was overcome with anger and fear, and those of Japanese descent became a convenient target. Roosevelt became a voice crying in the wilderness, defending both the Constitution and those citizens who had no voice. It proved to be in vain, at least early on. Breaking his promise to his wife, FDR eventually signed Executive Order 9066, one of the most egregious acts in American history, which led to 100,000 Japanese Americans being sent to internment camps. Over time, the American public would see the injustice of the EO and the entire removal and internment policy. In 1988, President Reagan officially apologized to those who were removed and interned, as he signed the Civil Liberties Act, which provided compensation to survivors in the amount of $20,000. However, Roosevelt died in 1962, never living to see this legislation passed that vindicated her actions and provided some measure of justice to those Japanese American citizens this country so poorly treated. Likewise, those crying out in the wilderness for justice in JFK’s murder may well not live to see the day when it is served, yet future generations of historians, unencumbered by agendas and fear of being marginalized as conspiracy theorists, may ultimately arrive at the truth. 

                                     What Are the Lessons of History Here?

       We are learning that the American Democratic experiment is more fragile than previously thought, and we must come to grips with the reality that a coup d’état happened in America on November 22, 1963, and it was attempted once more on January 6, 2021. If men can, either by rifle or by riot, overturn an election and remove a head of state without consequences in America, it can certainly happen again, and the next time might prove fatal to the Republic that Franklin and others created both for themselves and generations to come. 

      

 

So Who Killed JFK?

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So Who Killed JFK?

Written/Published by David Denton in April 2018. 

Having taught a class called “The Political Assassinations of the 1960s” on my Olney Central College campus since 2001, as well as being heavily involved in the pursuit of the truth of what happened in the JFK assassination for much longer than that, it is not surprising that I’m asked the question “So who killed JFK?” quite often.

    With the imminent release of many of the JFK files last October, and the corresponding renewed interest that came along with it, it is also not surprising that the frequency of that same question reached a crescendo last fall.

    Many Americans, nominally interested but understandably curious about what is arguably the most controversial event in American history, thought perhaps the release of these files might finally give them an answer to what really happened in Dallas. The establishment American media, despite its typically short attention span, also appeared at least temporarily transfixed on the upcoming release, although their interest, in general, seemed to be centered more on the hope that it would finally put to rest any notions of conspiracy in the Kennedy murder.

    Neither the public in general, nor the nation’s media, really obtained the final answer they were looking for, primarily because the simple conclusion to the story does not exist. What has become clear and simple for most Americans to understand over time is that the Kennedy murder was not the act of a lone assassin. They have arrived at that conclusion not because of some national paranoia foisted upon them by conspiracy theorists, but by the incontrovertible facts that have come to light in this case that simply cannot be dismissed or explained away. Most Americans see the impossibility of the single bullet theory, an essential part of any “lone nut” scenario. They are also aware of the numerous witnesses whose stories contradict the official version of what happened in Dallas.

    Despite where the public, in general, appears to be regarding the JFK assassination, many conspiracy skeptics in the nation’s media continue to circulate a particularly tiresome narrative that some Americans need to believe that the assassination must be the work of greater forces rather than a victim of a mere lone gunman. This simply has no basis in fact. Americans have not fallen victim to some mass psychosis, at least as far as the JFK murder is concerned. The country as a whole, due to the facts they have been confronted with that contradict the official version of history, has come to realize that November 22, 1963, is an unresolved event in our shared past. Bringing a conclusion to that part of our history has proven to be elusive.

     A longtime friend of mine who has been generally interested in this topic asked me a tough question about the recent release of documents and the seeming lack of answers that some hoped for: “At what point does this become beating a dead horse?” It is understandable the frustration many Americans have that there has been no final resolution to this story. In order to find the truth about this murder we have to look through a broader lens and see the numerous revelations and pieces of evidence that have accumulated over a period of time that point toward conspiracy and give us strong clues to who was involved.

    As my son, also a history teacher has stated, at what point does coincidence become conspiracy? The large percentage of the American public sees the probability that larger forces were at work in the death of Kennedy, even if they are uncertain as to who they were. However, the problem lies not with the American people’s perception of the event, but with a lack of institutional validation coming from the media, the government, and the academic world in regard to what really happened in Dallas. Until any or all of these institutions come to grips with the reality of conspiracy in this case, there simply isn’t going to be closure.

    The nation, as a whole, did become fixated once again on the JFK assassination in October, 2017, as the perceived deadline established by Congress 25 years before for the release of remaining classified documents approached. President Trump, who technically was the only individual who could stand in the way of it, appeared to initially be in favor of a full release. However, in the end he capitulated to last-minute lobbying from the CIA and the FBI. He suggested that there would be “potentially irreversible harm” to national security if he allowed all the records out at that time and, instead, put some of the remaining classified and redacted files under a six month review. Trump officials have stated that these remaining files should stay secret after this review “only in the rarest of cases.” With April 26, 2018, quickly approaching, we will find out soon if the President will stick to his promise.

    Due to the last-minute intervention, many sensitive documents were redacted in part or completely withheld. It is safe to say that what was withheld is, in all probability, far more significant than that what was released. But what was released, redactions notwithstanding, adds to the conspiracy argument rather than subtracts from it when we, again, take the time to look at this point in our history through a broader lens.

    In our recent conference held in Washington, D.C. on March 9-11 of this year entitled The Big Event: New Revelations in the JFK Assassination and the Forces Behind JFK's Death, many of the important things that have come to light were discussed and examined. Some conclusions can be drawn based upon the recent releases:

Newly released documents verify, once and for all, that Lee Harvey Oswald was involved in intelligence activities leading up to the assassination.

    According to Judyth Baker, one of the speakers at our Washington, D.C. conference and Lee Harvey Oswald’s mistress in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, one of the new documents reveals that Chief of CIA Counterintelligence Jim Angleton’s right-hand man, Raymond Rocca, told Warren Commission Attorney David Belin that just weeks before Kennedy’s murder Oswald was in Mexico City because he was involved in a plot to kill Fidel Castro. Baker points out that this confirms what she has been suggesting since 1999 about Oswald’s trip. This document, in effect, means the CIA knew Oswald went to Mexico City, and why.  Although the Warren Commission was interviewing Rocca, at times he appears to be the one asking questions. From the file, it is apparent that Rocca’s boss, Angleton, did not want any blame laid on his department. Rocca wasn’t sure what Belin and the Warren Commission had been told by Richard Helms, Head of the CIA, who was feeding the Warren Commission what Baker referred to as “the CIA’s public version of things.”

    For instance, Rocca asks Belin, “Why did Oswald’s lies include a denial to police that he had made the Mexico trip unless there was something important to hide about it? All his other lies concerned key factual elements of his cover story.”

    The most telling thing about this document and its description of Oswald’s activities in Mexico City, including the use of a cover story, is that it destroys the notion still out there that he was just a lone nut. It is a clear indication Oswald was involved in intelligence activities leading up to the events in Dallas.

Oswald was an FBI informant and the agency tried to cover it up.

    At our D.C. conference, researcher Larry Rivera discussed one of the most important document releases to come out so far. It is the sworn testimony given to the House Select Committee On Assassinations by a man named Orest Pena, a New Orleans bar owner, who also happened to be an FBI informant. In this extraordinary interview, Pena comes across as someone who wants to tell the truth but fears the repercussions of doing so.

    Pena was assigned to an FBI agent named Warren de Brueys, who visited Pena’s business on a regular basis in order to collect information. Although his English was far from perfect, Pena made some startling statements about de Brueys and his connections to Lee Harvey Oswald to the committee. He claimed “I was never paid a single penny. I thought I was doing good for the United States.”

   Pena saw a lot of things during his time as an informant from 1960 to 1963. He was aware of the fact de Brueys was meeting with Sergio Arcacha Smith and David (he referred to him as William) Ferrie, two well-known characters in the JFK assassination story. More importantly, he also saw Lee Harvey Oswald frequenting the same restaurant where members of the FBI (including de Brueys) and other government agencies spent time. Pena stated that Oswald interacted on occasion with some of the agents, including the aforementioned de Brueys. Pena stated on the record that he believed de Brueys followed Oswald to Dallas. Prior to the assassination, de Brueys came to Pena and informed him he was no longer needed as an informant because he (de Brueys) was heading to Dallas.

    After the assassination, Pena was visited “over and over again” by FBI agents repeating the same questions in regards to what he knew about Oswald. Pena believed the FBI agents feared that he would talk to the Warren Commission about their connections to the alleged assassin.

    Pena’s most startling revelation was his description of a visit paid by de Brueys after the assassination. At this meeting Pena claims the FBI agent threatened to “get rid of my ass” if he talked. Initially in the interview Pena seemed reluctant to make direct accusations against de Brueys, but as time wore on he opened up. He described de Brueys as the “most important person in the Kennedy assassination” and later said “I accuse Warren de Brueys.”(of being involved) Pena told his interviewer, “I would get a lie test” to prove he was telling the truth. The House Select Committee was never able to interview de Brueys, who conveniently was stationed outside the country.

54 years after the assassination the CIA took a machete to the personnel files of some of the most controversial characters in the agency before they were released.

    Before his death in 2007, CIA operative and Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt made some eye-opening assertions to his son, some of which were recorded, about those from the agency, himself included, who were involved in the Kennedy murder. Hunt described himself as merely a “benchwarmer,” but pointed the finger at CIA’s Cord Meyer, David Atlee Phillips, David Morales, and William Harvey as among those at the center of the plot against the President. There is evidence to indicate that both Phillips and Morales also made admissions, of sorts, in regard to the assassination. It is, therefore, not hard to understand that researchers were looking forward to viewing the long-classified files associated these men.

    Unfortunately, what they ultimately were allowed to see was largely disappointing. The released files included a massive amount of redactions. Out of 358 pages in Phillips’ file, 24 pages are completely blank. David Morales’ file was found to be 95% gone. The only thing of note left there is a statement suggesting the file was “sanitized” before the House Select Committee viewed it in the 1970s. Hunt’s file, presented in chronological order, includes one blank page sitting between a document dated 9/17/62 and another document dated 7/9/64, leaving one to wonder what the blank page would’ve said about Hunt’s activities in 1963.

Following the release of his file, William Harvey looks even more suspicious.

    Likewise, the files of William Harvey also contain many redactions. But what remains is still very intriguing. Harvey has long been considered one of those most likely characters to have participated in the Kennedy murder by many researchers,  and his file reveals a man with the perfect profile of someone capable of participating in and carrying out an assassination plot. He’s described in it as someone willing to be involved in “highly sensitive” and “extremely political” operations. He comes across as a dangerous, secretive individual, willing to go rogue. He “moved into positions stronger than his superior officers,” was also “tenacious and aggressive in the pursuit of his point of view.” He “had at his disposal a coterie of officers” loyal to him, referred to as “Harvey men.”

    A clear example of all this occurred at the height of the Cuban Missile Crisis when, in a clear act of insubordination, Harvey didn’t bother to wait for the invasion orders that never came from the Kennedys, and sent in his team of Cuban exiles to create havoc in Castro’s Cuba. Ed Lansdale, who oversaw Operation Mongoose, confronted Harvey about this, accusing him of acting without Lansdale’s knowledge. E. Howard Hunt suggested in his final assertions that he refused to take on any significant role in the plot against Kennedy because an “alcoholic psycho” like Harvey was involved in it.

    An internal memo describing the relationship between the CIA and mobster John Roselli gives us more insight into Harvey. It goes into great detail about how Robert Maheu, an agency go-between, contacted Roselli in an attempt to recruit him to be a liaison between the Mafia and the CIA. Among other things, it also demonstrated the agency’s amoral behavior and attitude in the pursuit of their goals. They indicated a willingness to partake in “gangster-type actions” as they went after political leaders like Castro, who they brazenly viewed as mere “targets.” The document gives a chronological account of their relationship with Roselli, even reporting that, ironically, the famous mobster was eventually jailed in 1968 for cheating people out of “$400,000 in a rigged gin rummy game.”

    Roselli has long been a mysterious character regarding the JFK assassination. Some put him on the grassy knoll as one of the shooters. Tosh Plumlee, a pilot who flew operations for the CIA and other agencies, suggested that Roselli was in Dealey Plaza as part of an abort team to stop the assassination. Roselli ended up dead, cut up in an oil drum found floating in the Gulf of Mexico before he was able to testify before the House Select Committee in 1976.

    However, what may be the most telling information in the Roselli document is its reference to Harvey. The agency seems to be delivering a complete account about their connection to Roselli until it came time to talk about his relationship with Harvey. It states: “In May 1962, Mr. William Harvey took over as Case Officer, and it is not known by this office whether Roselli was used operationally from that point on.” Did the agency truly not know what Harvey and Roselli were up to after May, 1962, or were they unwilling to put it on paper? Either way, it doesn’t look good.

    After the Cuban debacle, Harvey was assigned (exiled?) to be Station Chief in Rome. This allowed him to make connections with Corsican mobsters. Having been given the task of setting up an “executive action capability” within the CIA by Richard Bissell in 1961, it seems probable that Harvey could have recruited foreign assassins from that group.

    In an interview with the House Select Committee in 1976 shortly before his death, Harvey could be described as evasive, vague, and at times conveniently experiencing a loss of memory. He tried to imply that the executive action program may have originated from the White House. Of particular note was his attempt to downplay the significance of the mysterious asset code named  QJWIN. Some researchers have long suspected this figure as a potential foreign assassin involved in JFK’s murder. Harvey claimed he was uncertain as to QJWIN’s potential involvement in the assassination of Lumumba and would claim that “…QJWIN was never involved in any way in the Castro operation -- nor, for example, ever in the United States…” This claim seems dubious because in his own bills there are records of a plane trip ticket from Miami to Chicago charged to QJWIN. When pressed by interviewers about recruiting potentially ntial assassins as assets he downplayed the possibility and brashly stated “…the one sure way to do it [assassinate someone], was to simply appoint a single senior officer to do everything: to run the operation, kill the person, bury the body, and tell no one.” It’s hard to say if Harvey is being deceptive in this statement or if there are deeper implications in his boldness.

    In truth, Harvey was in a perfect position to participate in a plot against JFK. He had been a part of Operation Mongoose, which allowed him to develop a loyal following among the most extreme Cuban exiles. His relationship to Roselli, whom he referred to as a “patriot,” gave him a connection to the mafia in the United States, and his time as a Station Chief in Rome allowed him to recruit unsavory characters abroad.

    A recently released document may give more insight into Harvey’s foreign operation. It describes a center used for operations involved in the recruitment, interrogation, and the collection of intelligence. Even though the location is supposed to be redacted, it can be easily read through the markings that the site was located in Madrid, giving someone like Harvey a center to operate out of.

    There is no doubt he held contempt for the Kennedy brothers, especially Bobby. In a 1999 interview, Harvey’s widow suggested “they were really scum” and that her husband and Bobby were “pure enemies.” In light of the new information which has come forth associated with Harvey, it becomes even more difficult to ignore the means, motive, and opportunity he possessed in relation to his potential role in the JFK murder.

The Johnson administration engaged in a cover up within 48 hours of JFK’s assassination.

    One of the widely reported stories associated with last fall’s release was a secret report in the FBI files which showed that J. Edgar Hoover stated the FBI must “convince the public” that Oswald acted alone and that “there is nothing further on the Oswald case except that he is dead.” It was already a matter of public record that Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach released a memo the same day with virtually an identical message: “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin and that he did not have confederates who are still at large.” When taken into account that LBJ’s assistant Bill Moyers was also releasing a similar message, it becomes clear that before that fateful weekend was out, the Johnson administration was circulating a narrative that Oswald was the lone assassin.

    The release of Hoover’s memo takes on deeper significance in concert with another transcript released in 1993, which researcher Ed Tatro has referred to as “possibly the most important one ever released.” It is a transcript of a phone call between Hoover and Johnson the day after the assassination when the FBI Director tells the President, “We have up here the tape and the photograph of the man who was at the Soviet embassy using Oswald’s name. That picture and the tape do not correspond to this man’s voice, nor to his appearance. In other words, it appears that there is a second person who was at the Soviet embassy down there.”

    This conversation was already explosive as it clearly contradicts CIA statements that the tapes were routinely destroyed before the assassination. What makes it even more so now is that at the very time the Johnson administration was promoting the idea of a single assassin, they had clear evidence that Oswald was part of something bigger and was in all probability being set up. It makes it a matter of historical record that they were, in effect, engaging in a cover up within a short period of time after the assassination. Why?

    Historians, as well as some JFK assassination researchers, have often viewed Johnson’s post-assassination actions as resulting from a fear of potentially starting World War III with the Soviets, suggesting that the new president was confronted with evidence of a potential Soviet/Cuban connection to JFK’s murder. In fact, LBJ used that same suggestion to convince Richard Russell and Earl Warren to be part of the Warren Commission. This explanation of Johnson’s actions after the assassination makes it appear as if LBJ and his administration were participating in a benign cover-up.

    Upon closer scrutiny, however, this author believes that Johnson’s post-assassination behavior can’t be explained away so innocently. The logical reaction by an administration to the assassination of its head of state would not have been to close the doors on a possible conspiracy, particularly if there was any indication that this same nation’s primary adversary may have been involved. Just the opposite, the country should have been on an immediate war footing and the possible perpetrators (the Soviets in this case) should have been confronted. Dr. Cyril Wecht, long one of the nation’s preeminent pathologists and major critic of the Warren Commission findings, suggested just that in a passionate keynote address at our D.C. conference, stating that the Johnson administration should’ve been on the phone within hours after the assassination, “confronting the Soviets to determine if they were involved in any way.”

  If there was any legitimate evidence of Soviet involvement, it should‘ve been regarded as an act of war, and responding to it should have been a matter of national honor. The fact that the Johnson administration reacted in the exact opposite manner is an indication that they knew there was no real evidence implicating the Russians. It is also an indication that they (the Johnson administration) had other motives for their actions. When the basic explanation of the administration’s fear of World War III as explanation for their post-assassination cover-up is set aside, we are left with a very important question: Why would Johnson risk his presidency by covering up the crime of the century if he was completely innocent?

Newly released information and new discoveries strengthen the argument for the complicity of LBJ and his allies in the JFK assassination.

    One of the major headlines that came out last fall associated with the document release was an FBI memo which stated that sources indicated USSR officials believed LBJ and the “ultra-right” were part of a “well-organized conspiracy” inside the U.S., based on data gathered by the KGB. This can’t be dismissed as just typical Soviet propaganda. They weren’t making public pronouncements about Johnson’s involvement. Rather, it was based on intelligence gathered by the KGB, one of the world’s finest intelligence gathering agencies.

    It remains difficult for those who reside within our major institutions to dare consider the possibility of LBJ’s involvement in the Kennedy murder because it simply would be considered far too fringe and conspiratorial. After all, wasn’t it Johnson who brought the nation the Civil Rights Act and the War on Poverty? Historians are willing to hold Johnson in high regard; a group of them ranked him the  8th  best president in a recent CSPAN poll (a ranking this author finds revolting) despite his corruption, lies, and erratic and awful behavior.

    Preeminent Johnson biographer Robert Caro wrote multiple volumes detailing all of the aforementioned’s excesses, but chose to stay away from any discussion about his potential involvement in the Kennedy assassination. Historian Robert Dallek was aghast at the mere discussion of it when the History Channel aired ‘The Guilty Men,” that pointed the finger at LBJ in 2003. He dismissed the notion that a “sitting President” could be involved in such a thing, perhaps momentarily forgetting that Johnson wasn’t in possession of that high office until Kennedy was dead.

    There is no doubt that when it comes to the Kennedy assassination, Lyndon Johnson had both the most to gain by Kennedy’s death and also the most to lose if JFK remained President. Without question he had an enormous, lifelong ambition to be President of the United States, but what also has to be considered was Johnson’s fate had Kennedy remained in office. There were multiple scandals and investigations surrounding Johnson in his time as Vice President, the most significant of which was  his connections to Texas “wheeler-dealer” Billie Sol Estes and a young political operative named Bobby Baker. By 1963, these scandals not only had the potential to have Johnson removed from the Presidential ticket in 1964, but possibly put him jail. Johnson’s troubles all disappeared with his ascension to the presidency following Kennedy’s death.

    James Wagenvoord was an assistant to LIFE magazine's creative editor in 1963. He has gone on record stating that his magazine was creating a three-part exposé focusing on Johnson’s relationship with Baker. As a Johnson protégé who had become Secretary of the Senate, Baker found himself under investigation for various scandals and corrupt behavior. Wagenvoord made it clear LIFE’s intention was to end “Johnson’s political career, and possibly send him to prison.” The fact that Bobby Kennedy’s Justice Department was feeding LIFE “tremendous info”, according to Wagenvoord, makes clear what was rumored throughout Washington--that the Kennedys wanted LBJ off the ticket. Indeed, Johnson faced political extinction and possible imprisonment if something didn’t happen.

    It’s also impossible to ignore the fact that Johnson not only controlled the scene in Dallas through his allies, but also had in his possession, from the moment JFK died, both the machinery of government , including his close friend J. Edgar Hoover in the FBI,  to control the evidence and the investigation after Kennedy was murdered. In any real investigation of a murder, Johnson would be, at the very least, someone under suspicion. It is clear that he had the means, motive, and opportunity to carry out the assassination. Is there any evidence that he acted on that opportunity?

    David Talbot’s excellent book, The Devil’s Chessboard, recounts the secrecy and abuses of Allen Dulles’ CIA, as well as the fact that D. H. Byrd, who purchased the Texas Schoolbook Depository two months before the assassination, was a “crony of Lyndon Johnson” who belonged to the Suite 8F Group who “financed the rise of LBJ.” Rather than dig deeper into the implications of that fact, Talbot chose to dismiss it as merely one of those “curiosities” in history.

   In isolation, Johnson’s connection to Byrd can be passed off as a curiosity or coincidence in history. The problem is there is an ever increasing number of curiosities and coincidences that occurred pre-assassination associated with LBJ and his allies that continue to pile up, making it difficult to ignore the possibility that they might add up to something more. Among them:

 

  • It was LBJ who first made a public pronouncement on April 23, 1963, about the Dallas trip before the administration agreed to it.

 

  • Johnson man Jack Valenti first sent the invitation to JFK to come to Dallas for a dinner in honor of Congressman Albert Thomas’ retirement. It was primarily Johnson ally John Connally who pressured the Kennedy administration to come to Dallas. There is no question as to JFK’s reluctance to go to what he described as “nut country”(Texas). Earlier that year Ambassador Stevenson had been harassed by right-wing extremists during a trip to Dallas. Once JFK’s trip was agreed upon, Connally clashed with JFK advance man Jerry Bruno over whether to have the luncheon at the end of the parade through Dallas at the Trade Mart. According to researcher Ed Tatro, who spoke on this matter at the D.C. conference in March, Connally flatly told Bruno “not to bother coming“ if the luncheon would not be held there. Ultimately the Texas Governor managed to go around Bruno and get his way. The luncheon would be at the Trade Mart, thereby ensuring the parade route would pass through Dealey Plaza.

 

  • According to JFK’s close friend Congressman George Smathers, LBJ was attempting to manipulate who was actually riding in the car with the President. JFK would tell him, “... you’ve got Lyndon, who’s insisting that Jackie ride with him...  Johnson doesn’t want to ride with Yarbrough.” It should be noted that if LBJ had gotten Yarbrough out of his car it would’ve almost certainly meant trading places with Connally.

 

  • In 2017, author and long-time researcher Gary Shaw revealed documentation about another witness associated with events in Texas leading up to the assassination. Brian Edwards, another JFK researcher, discussed details about this witness at our D.C. conference in March, 2018. A year before his death in 1978, James “Whitey” Odell Estes gave a statement about his time spent working at Jack Ruby’s Carousel Club during the summer of 1963. Estes stated that on multiple occasions he saw Lee Harvey Oswald there and even befriended him. In fact, researchers have uncovered numerous people who have claimed that Ruby knew Oswald, but this time someone was willing to make a sworn statement about it. Of greater significance was the fact that Estes also stated he saw a meeting take place between Ruby, Oswald, and John Connally, along with three other men. If his testimony is true, it meant one of Lyndon Johnson’s closest allies was not only instrumental in getting  the Kennedy motorcade routed through Dealey Plaza, but also met the alleged assassin who was employed there and the man who eventually silenced him, prior to the assassination.

 

  • As significant as anything released was a document highlighted by University of Virginia political analyst Larry Sabato that stated that an FBI informant reported that the morning of the assassination Jack Ruby asked him if he would “like to watch the fireworks.”  When Sabato posted it on his twitter account Mark Zaid, an attorney who has been known for his lone gunman stance on the Kennedy assassination, responded by posting “What does this mean?” What it should have meant to Zaid and others who cling to the idea Oswald acted alone is that they should rethink their position.

 

  • According to Gordon Ferrie, a man with deep ties to the national security state, John Connally attended another meeting with sinister implications prior to the assassination. Ferrie had a Top Secret security clearance for 50+ years, beginning when he was still a teenager assigned to a Marine presidential detail of protection at the end of the Eisenhower administration. Ferrie spent 10 years in the Marine Corps. After obtaining a Master’s Degree in business, Ferrie moved into the world of banking, becoming one of the world’s leading experts in international finance. This culminated with his contact with one of LBJ’s leading financial and political advisors, Eliot Janeway. In 2015, Ferrie went public with Janeway’s revelations about the JFK assassination, which he shared with Ferrie before his death in 1993. Ferrie’s most important revelation pertained to a meeting that took place at the Hotel Texas in Fort Worth the night before the assassination between Janeway, Johnson, and John Connally, as well as the wives of the latter two. Ferrie maintains that, because of the investigations closing in on him and his probable removal from the 1964 Democratic ticket, Johnson stated it was necessary to go ahead with the plot against the president. When I asked Ferrie what Janeway’s role in the plot was, Ferrie bluntly replied, “Participant.” Janeway also engaged in suspicious behavior during the summer of 1963. He went on a tour of investment houses, giving a prepared statement on behalf of LBJ that suggesting that JFK was dangerous to the nation.

 

  • Among those released in October was a document associated with another figure who connected to the planning of the presidential parade route, Dallas mayor Earle Cabell. The document was a “201” file that confirms he was a CIA contract agent. Cabell, whose brother Charles was a Deputy Director in the CIA, has always been a suspicious character in the Kennedy case for a number of reasons. New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, who indicted but failed to convict Clay Shaw in connection with Kennedy’s assassination, felt the last-minute change in the parade route in Dallas made Cabell “highly suspicious” and raised serious questions about the mayor of Dallas. This newly found document that links Cabell directly to the CIA makes him appear even more so. Author Phil Nelson describes Earle Cabell as “at the center of a Dallas crowd that was tied directly into LBJ’s circle for many years before the assassination.” JFK researchers have always been aware of the obvious connection between Earle Cabell and his brother in the CIA. What takes on more significance is the fact that his contract status is an indication that he was actually paid to do something by the agency.

 

  • A little over a decade ago E. Howard Hunt, the master spy, drew a simple diagram about the JFK assassination plot called “chain of command” to be given to his son before his death. It included the CIA’s Bill Harvey, David Morales, and Cord Meyer with lines connecting them. At the top of the diagram he wrote, “LBJ.”

The CIA withheld many documents past the original October 26th deadline, and it is unclear if President Trump will stick to his stated six month deadline to release them.

    With the evidence and materials already in the public domain, a convincing argument can be made that powerful forces inside and outside our government conspired to remove our democratically elected leader on November 22nd, 1963. More than anything else, releasing the documents withheld stands to reinforce that historical reality. As long as the CIA and other agencies can hide behind the idea of national security as a justification for keeping secrets from the American people, even 54 years after the fact, it may be impossible to completely expose the truth of this dark chapter of American history.

    The past has proven, however, that exposing former sins always strengthens, instead of weakens, democracy. In 1988, the United States government officially apologized and awarded compensation to Japanese-Americans and their families who were removed from their homes and businesses during World War II by Executive Order 9066. In the 1990s, it was revealed that U.S. troops, predominantly African-American and minority ones, were purposely exposed to mustard gas in experiments done by the U.S. government during World War II.

    These immoralities and atrocities speak to the flaws of our leadership but are not black marks against democracy, and we are always better off as a people knowing the truth, no matter how embarrassing it might be. It is important to remember our founding fathers sought a “more perfect union” not a perfect one. Despite the fact that twentieth century Germany spawned the most heinous regime in history, this regime was eventually exposed and laid bare, and less than a lifetime later the country has a thriving democracy.

    Some might say so much time has passed that the JFK assassination should be relegated to being just another event on another date in time in American history.. After all, 54 years down the road, the reality is most Americans alive today were born after November 22nd, 1963, and may not see it as a significant event. Caesar would suggest otherwise, stating “Not to know what happened before you were born is to be a child forever.”

    In truth, the intervening 54 years since the JFK murder matters little. What is important to our democracy is that it remains unresolved. Lacking any institutional validation, a clear resolution to the case will continue to be an uphill battle for anyone who wishes to expose the truths that are already out there or to dig deeper into what we don’t yet know. Ed Tatro describes the struggle as a “tiny, emaciated mouse confronting a menacing eagle with stiletto-like talons.” However, pursuing the truth, no matter how difficult and potentially embarrassing to the nation’s institutions, is essential to a working democracy. H. L. Mencken once wrote, “Injustice is relatively easy to bear; what stings is justice.”

    The Trump administration has an important decision to make. On April 26th will they continue to validate secrecy in the name of national security, or will they start a new era of openness in terms of government policy? Is it possible that the time has come for us to finally know the truth about the Kennedy murder?